The Central African Republic had not been a priority for U.S. foreign policy. As violence increased in late 2013, however, faith leaders and U.S. groups such as FCNL became concerned. The conflict in CAR has put to the test U.S. policies and structures to help prevent violent conflict, which FCNL has been instrumental in helping to institutionalize and fund.
This May, I walked through a ruined marketplace in Bossangoa, a town nearly 200 miles from the Central African Republic’s capital of Bangui. Two years ago, this was a thriving gathering place for the town and surrounding community. Today, grass and shrubs are overgrowing the charred remains of walls and rubble.
What happened to this market, and to the people who used to live around it, is one small part of CAR’s recent history of violence. In the two weeks I spent in the country this spring, I talked with dozens of Central Africans and others who are working to rebuild and break this country’s cycles of violence. Many of the people I met have directly or indirectly received U.S. assistance, and I wanted to see first-hand how the U.S. can support peacebuilding in CAR before, during and after a crisis.
Roots of Violence
As its name implies, the Central African Republic sits at the heart of Africa. It is one of the poorest and most underdeveloped countries in the world, bordering some of the most conflict-affected countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, including South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Since gaining independence from France in 1960, the country has suffered through a series of coups d’état and dictatorships. Democratic rule was established in the 1990s but remains regularly under threat by those who seek power and control over the country’s rich resources.
In March 2013, the Séléka opposition group ousted then-President François Bozizé, leading to widespread clashes between the Séléka and militia groups known as the anti-Balaka. Civilians, both Muslim and Christian, were targeted by these armed groups despite pleas from Central African Republic religious leaders to end the violence. Throughout 2013, attacks continued, and the situation remained volatile.
In Bossangoa, residents fled their homes. The Muslim community would eventually be evacuated by the United Nations to neighboring Chad. Standing near the remains of burnt-out homes this spring was a powerful reminder of the community’s recent scars.
The Central African Republic had not been a priority for U.S. foreign policy. As violence increased in late 2013, however, faith leaders and U.S. groups such as FCNL became concerned. The conflict in CAR has put to the test U.S. policies and structures to help prevent violent conflict, which FCNL has been instrumental in helping to institutionalize and fund.
Evaluating the U.S. Response
Along with others inside and outside the U.S. government, FCNL successfully pushed the White House to respond to the crisis quickly and to mobilize the Atrocities Prevention Board.
Just a few days after reports of violence in December 2013, the U.S. mobilized resources and focused on how to prevent further atrocities. The U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., Samantha Power, traveled to CAR, and the U.S. was a strong advocate for an international response.
But, in this case, the U.S. did more than help stop the violence. Complex Crises Fund money helped organizations working in CAR — including Mercy Corps, Catholic Relief Services and Search for Common Ground — support the creation of community-based and -led social cohesion committees. These groups have been instrumental in helping villages to address immediate and ongoing conflicts without resorting to violence. This is peacebuilding in action.
On my travels this spring, I saw and learned about the impact of some of these CCF-funded programs. An important effect of social cohesion committees and other programs to bring people together has been to make it more feasible for the country to start to rebuild.
In May 2014, conditions were so bad that a food security program distributing seeds to local farming communities had to halt their work. Just a year later, the situation had calmed. The May 2015 seed deliveries were taking place without violent incidents. This peacebuilding work made it possible for these farming villages to plant this year’s crop. Social cohesion committees continue to work to address concerns among village residents and with the Fulani, nomadic people who travel through the area.
In the home village of President Bozizé, members of the social cohesion committee told me of their concerns about the weapons carried by Fulani. They also expressed willingness and hope for improved relations, including potentially re-opening the village to trade opportunities. Despite remaining fear and trauma, this peacebuilding work is beginning to have a positive impact.
Looking Forward
In Bossangoa, peacebuilders told me of their vision that the Muslim populations will feel safe enough to return and rebuild their community. It’s a possibility, but one that still requires a significant investment. Positive interactions between the primarily-Muslim Fulani who travel through the region and the remaining Christian villagers gives hope that this can happen.
Providing aid is never simple, but it’s even more challenging in a conflict zone.
Providing aid is never simple, but it’s even more challenging in a conflict zone. Perceptions of unfairness or inequality can lead to renewed violence. Going forward, peacebuilders emphasized to me that the international community and non-governmental organizations should work to tie social cohesion activities to aid and services — like food security programs —whenever possible.
There’s an immense amount to do in support of peace. In CAR, local leaders, local communities, local organizations and international organizations are doing fantastic work. The Complex Crises Fund has enabled a great number of activities to take place. But this money is running out.
With violence on the decline and the height of the crisis past in CAR, it is a challenge to sustain U.S. and international attention on the country’s rebuilding efforts. Yet it’s in these post-conflict situations that this attention is needed, to help the peacebuilders in CAR work to break the cycle of violence in their country. To fund this long-term work, USAID has pulled together resources and committed $7 million toward a CAR Peacebuilding Partnership fund, but the money can only be used if non-governmental organizations match this funding. The U.S. government cannot maintain robust support over the long term, leading it to seek outside sources of investment. While non-governmental investment is important, we would like the U.S. to provide agencies such as USAID with sufficient resources to do this work.
I returned from my trip with many stories to share with administration officials and members of Congress. U.S. investments and responses are making a difference, but there is continued need for U.S. support of and engagement with the people of CAR. The communities I visited still have immense needs and challenges to building peace. In my work on Capitol Hill, I look forward to helping the U.S. continue to be an active, long-term partner in this work.
